MCLC: New Citizens Movement crushed

[Denton, Kirk]

MCLC LIST
From: kirk (denton.2 at osu.edu)
Subject: New Citizens Movement crushed
***********************************************************

Source: NYT (1/15/14):
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/16/world/asia/chinese-activists-test-new-lea
der-and-are-crushed.html

Chinese Activists Test New Leader and Are Crushed
By ANDREW JACOBS 

BEIJING — The 20 or so activists gathered at an isolated guesthouse on the
outskirts of the capital, leaving their cellphones behind to avoid
detection by the police. China’s first leadership change in a decade was
fast approaching, and the group saw an opening for a movement to fight
injustice and official corruption.

That day, in May 2012, they began work on a plan to expand the New
Citizens Movement, an ambitious campaign for transparency and fairness
that would eventually draw as many as 5,000 supporters, inspire street
protests across the country and provide the first major test to help gauge
the new leadership’s tolerance for grass-roots political activism.

They were heartened when China’s new leader, Xi Jinping, came to power
that November, vowing to stamp out corruption, promote judicial fairness
and respect the Constitution, goals tantalizingly close to their own.
Now, 14 months later, their ideals have collided with a harsh reality.

About 20 people associated with the group have been detained. Three
members have been tried and await judgment. And the rights lawyer who
organized the guesthouse meeting, Xu Zhiyong, was indicted last month for
“gathering a crowd to disrupt public order” and faces almost certain
conviction.

The crushing of the New Citizens Movement is just one stark example of the
new leadership’s refusal to countenance any stirrings of opposition.

Since Mr. Xi assumed control, the Communist Party has used the state news
media to denounce perceived ideological threats, sought to rid the
Internet of politically unwelcome rumors and opinion, and tried to silence
rights lawyers and muckraking journalists. Wen Yunchao, a Chinese rights
activist studying at Columbia University, estimates that 160 activists
have been arrested over the past year, not counting the Tibetans and
Uighurs detained on separatism-related charges.

These events have largely flown under the radar, drawing little notice at
home or abroad and only muted international protest. But taken together,
they amount to a sweeping crackdown that experts say is broader and more
concerted than other recent assaults on dissent.

“The new leadership has been much more systematic and strategic about how
it cracks down,” said Maya Wang, a researcher in Hong Kong for Human
Rights Watch <http://www.hrw.org/>, noting simultaneous efforts to rein in
traditional news media and online commentary and stamp out even the
smallest street rallies. “The government is basically sending a signal in
dealing with these people that it has the upper hand.”

Mr. Xu, 40, is hardly a radical firebrand. As a young lawyer, he earned a
national reputation for forging social change on the edges of the system.
In 2003, he won a seat as an independent candidate on a district People’s
Congress, a council stacked with party-appointed officials. Photogenic and
articulate, he was celebrated by the domestic news media and appeared on
the cover of the Chinese edition of Esquire magazine.

He emerged as a dogged legal activist during a popular backlash against
the practice of forcibly relocating people without proper residence
permits. In 2003, after the fatal police beating of a young designer in
the southern city of Guangzhou, Mr. Xu and two other legal scholars
publicized a petition to the government demanding an end to the system. To
their surprise, Wen Jiabao, then prime minister, abolished it months after
assuming office in 2003.

That case and others crystallized into an approach to activism combining
litigation and government appeals on specific cases with public lobbying
in the media and the rapidly expanding Internet. Mr. Xu and his colleagues
took up the cases of death-row prisoners, parents of children poisoned by
adulterated milk powder and a woman raped by officials. The movement came
to be called “rights defense,” or weiquan in Chinese.

“You could think of the weiquan rights defense movement as an unintended
consequence of legal reforms and the spread of the Internet,” said Eva
Pils, an associate law professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.
“They allowed the genie to come out of the bottle.”

But the movement soon drew official hostility. The police, courts and the
party-run body that oversees lawyers prevented them from taking sensitive
cases, refused to allow their suits to move forward or revoked their law
licenses. In 2009, the government shut Mr. Xu’s advocacy and research
organization, the Open Constitution Initiative, and arrested him on tax
evasion charges. After a public uproar, he was released on bail and the
matter was dropped.

Rather than subdue the movement, the pressure convinced many activists to
shift away from the increasingly fruitless battles in party-run courts and
toward broader and more public campaigning for political change.

Chinese citizens were increasingly aware of their legal rights, and
willing to challenge the government to assert them. The Internet,
especially social media, magnified public awareness of abuses.

Mr. Xu and other activists decided it was time to advance their ambitions
through a more cohesive effort. In 2012, they created the New Citizens
Movement and issued a manifesto, urging supporters to adopt its ideals and
symbol — a distinctive blue and white logo declaring “Citizen” — and to
form groups that would meet regularly.

“This is a political movement whereby this ancient nation bids ultimate
farewell to autocracy and completes the civilized transition to
constitutional government,” Mr. Xu wrote that May.

The new leader’s promises about corruption and fairness were not the only
signs that bolstered the movement’s resolve. Mr. Xi also downgraded the
post of domestic security chief, suggesting to some that the police would
have to pay more heed to legal restraints.

The party’s initially mild response to a protest over censorship at the
Southern Weekend newspaper in early 2013 also fed expectations that the
government would tolerate more concerted activism, said Chen Min, a former
editor at the paper.

“The impression left with some people was that there would be more space
for street-level, organized rights defense, even if there would always be
risks and setbacks,” said Mr. Chen, who is better known by the pen name
Xiao Shu.

Supporters also saw an advantage in the movement’s lack of clearly defined
leadership, which they feared would provoke a government ban. Meetings
were informal, often over dinners at restaurants.

Mr. Xu “believed in the power of the people to make a change,” said Guo
Yushan, a reform-minded scholar. “He thought he would succeed, and that
once he stepped out, others would follow him.”

In early 2013, supporters organized public demonstrations on the streets
of Chinese cities. Some wore T-shirts and pins with the movement insignia
and its slogan “Freedom, Justice, Love.” They posted pictures of their
rallies online.

As awareness of the group spread, it began drawing grass-roots activists
like Liu Ping, a former steel mill worker from China’s southeast Jiangxi
Province.

Ms. Liu and two others remain jailed as they await sentencing for illegal
assembly and other charges, but in a telephone interview, her daughter,
Liao Minyue, said Ms. Liu’s activism was initially spurred by unpaid wages
and the beating of a relative. “Over time, she became interested in other
people’s problems, she became more involved and more aware, and she saw
the New Citizens Movement as way of realizing her ideals,” Ms. Liao said.

The Communist Party has partly endorsed some of the changes demanded by
rights advocates, like ending re-education through labor, a form of
imprisonment without trial. But behind the scenes, Mr. Chen and others
said, the gatherings fed leaders’ fears that the growing clamor for reform
could crystallize into a threat to the party’s authority.

During secretive meetings last spring, security and propaganda officials
concluded that they had to take a tough line, Mr. Chen said. In April, the
leadership approved an internal directive identifying seven ideological
threats, including rights defense activists and civil society advocates.

The detentions appear to have effectively stymied the movement. In
addition to a core of longtime activists, the authorities in October
arrested Wang Gongquan, a wealthy venture capitalist who supported the
group.

In their indictment, prosecutors described Mr. Xu as the “ringleader” of
several of the 2013 protests. On Monday, as he sat in a Beijing jail, his
wife gave birth to a daughter.

“This time, I think Xu is going to prison, and not for a short time,” said
Mr. Guo, the scholar. “Xi needs to put on a big show. He feels confident
right now. He needs to show people who’s boss.”

Andrew Jacobs reported from Beijing, and Chris Buckley from Hong Kong.