MCLC: My Ideals by Ilham Tohti

[Denton, Kirk]

MCLC LIST
From: pjmooney <pjmooney at me.com>
Subject: My Ideals by Ilham Tohti
***********************************************************

Source: China Change (4/6/14):
http://chinachange.org/2014/04/06/my-ideals-and-the-career-path-i-have-chos
en/

My Ideals and the Career Path I Have Chosen
By Ilham Tohti

On January 15, 2014, Chinese authorities arrested Ilham Tohti, a Uighur
economics professor at the prestigious Minzu University in Beijing.
Authorities formally charged him with separatism on February 25, and have
so far denied him access to his attorney. For years, Tohti has discussed
and commented on not only Chinese policies in the Xinjiang Uighur
Autonomous Region, where the vast majority of this Turkic Muslim
population lives, but also the state of Han-Uighur relations. He founded
the Chinese-language website 维吾尔在线 (Uighur Online), which is meant to
facilitate communication and understanding between the two peoples.  The
following autobiographic essay, written in January, 2011, provides a
much-needed portrait of the man. In dealing with Ilham’s case, we demand
that the Chinese government acts transparently and in accordance with its
own Criminal Procedure Law as well as international norms. – The Editor

1. My upbringing and my ideals

I was born in 1969 into a Uighur family in Atush City, Kizilsu Kirghiz
Autonomous Prefecture, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR). I grew up
in a government employee residential compound where Uighurs and Hans lived
together. My grandfather’s generation was illiterate, but my father was
among the first generation of educated Uighurs brought up in New China. At
the end of the 1950s, after my father graduated from middle school, he was
sent to the interior of China for college. He studied at the Central
University for Nationalities [now Minzu University], Beijing Normal
University, and Lanzhou Railway Institute. After graduation, he worked at
the Southern Xinjiang People’s Liberation Army (PLA) military zone, and
then as a civilian. In 1971, at the age of 28, my father died tragically
during the Cultural Revolution. I was two, and my little brother was only
11 months old. It was my mother who raised the four of us, my brothers and
me, while doing auto repair work in Atush. Today, most of my father’s
colleagues have become XUAR-level cadres. The older generation has kept
silent about the past, and I have not understood the complicated politics
of the time. As a result, while we are proud of our father, I don’t really
know what kind of a person he was and how he died.

In 1980, my eldest brother joined the army at age 15, but he soon left the
army and  pursued studies in universities in Shanghai, Urumqi, Dalian, and
Beijing. As a cadre, he served as Secretary of the Atush Communist Youth
League, Chief of the Personnel Office of the Organization Department of
Kizilsu Kirghiz Autonomous Prefecture, Secretary of the Kizilsu Kirghiz
Prefecture Communist Youth League, Chief of the Kizilsu Kirghiz Prefecture
Administrative Bureau, and Chief of the Civil Affairs Bureau of the
Kizilsu Kirghiz Prefecture. Currently he is the Communist Party Secretary
of the Transportation Bureau of Kizilsu Kirghiz Prefecture and a member of
the Kizilsu Kirghiz People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC).

My second older brother has worked in the public security system for many
years now.  He was once the youngest captain of the criminal investigation
squad [in the prefecture], and now he is the Secretary of the Disciplinary
Inspection Committee of the Kizilsu Kirghiz Prefecture Public Security
Bureau, as well as a member of the bureau’s CCP committee. Aside from my
two brothers, my sister-in-law (the wife of my second older brother) and
my brothers’children also work in the public security system. To a degree,
my family is actually a family in the public security system, although,
because of me, they have all been implicated in recent years.

In 1985, I was admitted at age 16 to study in the interior of China. I
left my hometown to undertake pre-undergraduate studies at Minzu
University, undergraduate studies in the Geography Department of Northeast
Normal University, and graduate study for a master’s degree at Minzu
University’s Institute of Economic Research. My academic career was deeply
influenced by Professors Shi Zheng Yi, Chen Cai, and Zhang Kewu. I will
never in my life forget the lessons that they imparted upon me as a Uighur
youth, nor will I forget their genuine interest in, and concerns about,
Xinjiang and the Uighur society, as well as their academic integrity.

In 1991, after I graduated from college, I was employed by Minzu
University; for a time O was Secretary of the department’s Community Youth
League. In 1994, I transferred to Minzu University’s Institute of Economic
Research, where I taught development economics, advanced foreign
economics, and Xinjiang economics. In 1996, I studied abroad in Korea at
my own expense. In 2001, I was an exchange scholar at the Pakistan
National Development Research Institute through a joint China-Pakistan
cultural exchange program to research on the security environment and
economic development in Xinjiang and surrounding areas. In 2003, I became
a faculty member at the International Trade  Department of College of
Economics at Minzu University. I have since taught many courses such as
“International Trade Affairs,”“International Settlements and
Credit,”“Strategic Research on Sustainable Development of Xinjiang’s
Population, Resources and Environment,”and “Politics, Economics, Society
and Culture in Central Asia.”

Around 1994, I developed an intense interest in the economic and social
issues Xinjiang faces. In addition to publishing articles in Guangming
Daily《光明日报》, Economic Information Daily《经济参考报》and Western
Development 
Paper《西部发展报》, I also published over 20 articles in academic
periodicals 
including the Journal of Minzu University; the Journal of Research on
Education for Ethnic Minorities; Tribune of Social Sciences in Xinjiang;
National Economy; and the Journal of Kashgar Teachers College. As early as
in 1994, I proposed setting up a special economic zone in Kashgar in
southern Xinjiang. In order to expand the horizons of my professional
research, I have been studying English. I have also taught myself basic
Korean, Japanese, Urdu and Russian, and can conduct simple conversation
and access information in these languages.

Outside of my work, in my spare time I engaged in business and had had
pretty good results in the stock market and joint venture projects. For a
time, when I was restricted from teaching, my friends even suggested that
I make a complete switch and become a businessman. However, having
witnessed a great number of cases of ethnic conflict and killing,
political unrest, and failed social transformation during my extensive
travels throughout Central Asia, Russia, and South Asia, my desire grew
stronger and stronger to completely devote my energies to researching
Xinjiang and Central Asian issues, so that tragedies  abroad won’t take
place in China.

To this end, I have personally funded and conducted large-scale social
surveys. I simultaneously took time to study sociology, ethnology, and
geopolitics by taking classes or self-instruction. Such endeavors have
expanded my horizons beyond economics, and provided me with other
perspectives and analytical tools. Aside from studying failed cases from
the former Soviet Union as well as Eastern Europe, I have also looked at
some successful cases to see how developed countries such as America as
well as those in Europe have handled and resolved ethnic issues and social
issues. My hope is that such examinations will provide abundant lessons
for endeavors undertaken in China.

I love my mother deeply, who suffered great hardships in raising me. I
love my still impoverished and long suffering ethnic group. I love this
land which has nurtured me. I earnestly hope my homeland can become as
prosperous and developed as the interior of China. I worry about my
homeland and my country falling into turmoil and division. I hope that
China, having endured many misfortunes, will become a great nation of
harmonious interethnic coexistence and develop a splendid civilization. I
will devote myself to Xinjiang’s social, economic and cultural
development, to the interethnic understanding, and to finding the way to
achieve harmonious ethnic coexistence amidst the social transformation
today. These are my ideals and personal objectives, and the choices I have
made have their roots in my family’s history; my upbringing; my mother’s
teachings; and my education as well as personal experiences.

2. I am an academic dedicated to researching Xinjiang issues and Central
Asian sociology, economics, and geopolitics. Although some people today
continue to describe me as a political figure, or hope that I will become
one, from the start I have maintained that I am only a scholar, and harbor
neither the intention nor the desire to be politicized. Outside of my
scholarship, I wish to be known solely as an emissary and a conduit
helping to make connections and promoting ethnic exchange and
communication.

Since 1994, due to my frequent and blunt criticism of failures of the
local government in Xinjiang, [authorities have] constantly interfered
with my teaching. Since 1999, I have had no opportunities to publish any
articles. From 1999-2003, I was barred from teaching at Minzu University
where I had been employed.

In recent years, following my growing research and investigation on
Xinjiang’s problems, and after I had set up the Chinese language “Uighur
Online”website, pressure has mounted not only on my professional life, but
also on my relatives in Xinjiang. They have often bitterly entreated me in
the hope that I will speak out less, mind my own business, and focus on
making money. Meanwhile, I can see that Xinjiang’s ethnic problems are
increasingly grave and that interethnic hatred has escalated.

I know very well that there are not many people from our ethnic group like
me, who have enjoyed a quality education and have had [ample]
opportunities and experiences. Similarly, few people in China possess the
same natural advantages as I do with regard to Xinjiang issues and Central
Asian issues. In this field, few scholars possess great insights or a
sense of responsibility. Yet, the challenges facing Chinese society are so
arduous that I cannot rightly dismiss the responsibility to pursue what I
believe is the most meaningful career.

However, the call of duty implicates my family, which causes me great
suffering.

After the tragedy on July 5, 2009
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8138866.stm>, the world suddenly
paid attention to Xinjiang issues. I too attracted widespread attention
and was inevitably treated as a political figure. I do not reject any
person or group’s interest in Xinjiang issues, but I have always
endeavored to avoid being treated as a political symbol in any way, even
when it is well intentioned.

It is my belief that I will not be doing a service to my ethnic group and
my country unless I remain a scholar—a ‘clean’one at that —and use my free
time to help others and serve the public interest.

Precisely because of this strong belief, since July 5th, 2009 I have
doggedly refused to take a single cent from foreign organizations, whether
diplomatic entities or NGOs, when I encountered financial difficulties
resulting from external pressure. Even during business dealings, I was
unwilling to make any money through foreign connections. I could have sat
at home and made money from my political and economic contacts in Central
Asia, Europe, and America. If I were a Han, maybe I could have profited
this way, but as someone who has been under suspicion, I have to maintain
even stricter standards for myself, bearing more pressure and facing more
trials than Han intellectuals could possibly imagine.

Because of the sensitive nature of ethnic issues, for a long time there
has existed not only social divisions between Han and Uighur people, but
also a lack of regular communication between Han and Uighur intellectuals.
This division, as well as mutual suspicions, have worsened the ethnic
situation. Yet, amazingly, there have been almost no public discussions
about it, and the atmosphere around it is both plain strange and also
terrifying.

As a result, I founded the “Uighur Online”website at the end of 2005, to
provide Uighurs and Hans with a platform for discussion and exchange. Of
course, I knew that there would be an intense clash of opinions, but I
believe that confronting differences is not frightening. What is truly
frightening are silenced suspicions and hatred.

After founding “Uighur Online,”I began to make an effort to interact with
Han intellectuals in order to bring Xinjiang issues to their attention,
thus allowing them to contribute their valuable perspectives and
experiences to the discussion, and to introduce them to Uighur culture and
society.

The July 5th tragedy—and Xinjiang’s ethnic relations in its aftermath—made
it clear to me that ethnic hatred and suspicion had built up alarmingly.
To thaw that hatred and suspicion, I came up with the idea of a grassroots
“National Harmony Day”(or “National Reconciliation Day”), held on July
5th, to commemorate the tragedy. It would take advantage of the summer
holiday and allow [groups of] two families of different ethnicities to
send their children to live in the other’s home. This would hopefully
build interethnic emotional ties and friendship and also serve to
cultivate a sense of inclusiveness, understanding, and respect for
different cultures. But the idea was aborted due to various external
factors.

From the beginning, it was a rational idea born out of my education and
training that ethnic relations should be built through reasonable,
patient, tolerant, and moderate approaches that respect history and
reality and focus on the future. As I have practiced it over time, such an
attitude has grown to be a natural feeling of mine.

As a university professor, I have the strong desire to share my views,
hopes, and methodology with my students. Unlike a lot of teachers, I
diligently prepare handouts and lesson plans for each class, and for a
long time I have offered open and voluntary classes on Xinjiang issues on
Saturdays.

I encouraged more Uighur students to pursue studies in sociology, law,
economics, political science, anthropology, and other fields so that in
making career choices they will be able to combine their personal goals
with the progress of their ethnic group as well as their country. These
subjects provide a systematic methodology, and can transform  emotional
energy and visceral enthusiasm for ethnic issues into a rational and
scientific approach. The cultivation of such an approach is certainly rare
among the Uighurs, and therefore precious; but even in China as a whole,
there is far from enough of it.

3. I have maintained a long-term and sustained interest in Xinjiang and
Central Asian issues. With regard to Xinjiang, this entails social,
economic and cultural development; interethnic interaction; as well as the
balance between sovereignty, unity, and local autonomy under China’s
current conditions in an era of transformation.

People in Xinjiang today generally look back nostalgically at ethnic
relations during the planned economy era [1949-1976] as well as Hu Yaobang
and Song Hanliang era [1976-1989]. During the planned economy era, the
government distributed resources equally and fairly, creating a positive
sense of equality among ethnic groups. In addition, at that time the
population was restricted in mobility and there were few opportunities for
group comparisons that could result in a sense of inequality. During the
Hu Yaobang and Song Hanliang era, the political climate was relaxed. On
the surface more people seemed to be voicing discontent publicly, but
people trusted each other and felt least suppressed, and social synergy
was the strongest.

Since the 1990s, rapid marketization in Xinjiang has produced  a great
deal of economic development. Unequal development opportunities among
ethnic groups have grown more apparent. Certain developments within Uighur
communities have been particularly worrying. Theft, pickpocketing, drug
trafficking, drug abuse, and prostitution–vices against which a devoutly
religious people as the Uighurs are supposed to have natural
resistance—have gotten so bad that our entire ethnic group is suddenly
perceived as a crime-prone community. The Uighurs have fallen mercilessly
into the fate of the“Malthusian trap.”

At the same time, these serious social problems have become a forbidden
subject for study, creating a discursive void. Few dare to touch upon
these problems directly, let alone conduct systematic social
investigations and analyses in search for solutions. On the one hand, the
Uighurs’social problems lead to increasing dissatisfaction and distrust of
the government and of Han people; on the other, discriminatory ideas
against the Uighur people among members of Han society—especially in the
interior of China—grow deeper.

As a Uighur intellectual, I strongly sense that the great rift of distrust
between the Uighur and Han societies is getting worse each day, especially
within the younger generation. Unemployment and discrimination along
ethnic lines have caused widespread animosity. The discord did not explode
and dissipate along with the July 5 incident and during subsequent social
interactions. Instead, it has started to build up once again.

The situation is getting gradually worse. Yet, fewer and fewer people dare
to speak out. Since 1997, the primary government objective in the region
has been to combat the “three evil forces”[terrorism, separatism and
religious extremism]. Its indirect effect is that Uighur cadres and
intellectuals feel strongly distrusted and the political atmosphere is
oppressive.

As a Uighur scholar living in Beijing, where the legal environment is
relatively better, I have a duty—one which I cannot rightly dismiss—to
focus my attention on Xinjiang’s problems. This has always required not
only knowledge and training, but above all courage.

The outbreak of the July 5 unrest in 2009 and, before it, the March 14
incident in Lhasa, Tibet, in 2008, clearly reminds us that as China is
undergoing rapid changes, it is an extremely urgent task to explore how to
achieve ethnic harmony. China is accustomed to   the use of political
solutions, especially those employing the use of political indoctrination.
Rarely do such discussions seek to improve laws and regulations, as well
as the art of politics, to foster an environment suitable for ethnic
harmony. Virtually no one in China works on the technical aspect of
harmonious ethnic relations, even the awareness of it is absent.

No good political intentions or political desires can be divorced from the
meticulous and thorough technical designs that support them. In China
especially, the government is accustomed to large-scale
government-directed organization and mobilization of social resources
without regard for the costs, rather than long-term and patient technical
arrangements. Looking at the examples of multiethnic diversity in Malaysia
and Singapore, a technically meticulous, evenhanded management of ethnic
interests produces ethnic tolerance and harmonious relations. That’s why I
have always believed in the importance of my own endeavors.

As ethnic issues in China become more sensitive and pressing, more and
more studies examine China’s ethnic policies from the perspective of
combating separatism, drawing lessons from countries with failed ethnic
policies. Yet, most of these studies have a strongly Han-centered ideology
and follow the typical path of how to establish control. Consequently,
they actually defend and endorse the approach of failed local government
ethnic policies [even when they seem to be criticizing them]. In foreign
countries, there are many cases whereby states successfully resolved or
mitigated ethnic conflicts and defused crises caused by ethnic division.
However, these aforementioned Chinese studies have taken none of these
successes into consideration. I am deeply worried about this academic
tendency, which misleads policymakers.

My research on Central Asia reflects my own personal interests and my
connection to the region. As a natural extension of Xinjiang issues, I
must pay attention to the social, political, economic, and cultural trends
in Central Asian countries: not only do Central Asia and Xinjiang share
vast borders, but they also belong to the same linguistic, cultural, and
religious family. Situated along a multiethnic border, Xinjiang can be
affected by a slight change in the greater region.

Furthermore, from a geostrategic perspective, China must research how to
effectively exert influence in the political, economic and cultural
spheres of Central Asia, not only so that it can benefit from an enhanced
regional security environment, but also so that both China and Central
Asia can build stronger, mutually beneficial relations. This is another
aspect of my interests in the region.

I have continued to gain knowledge because of my language skills, and I
have established wide contacts in local governments and business circles
of the region through my travels. On top of that, I also have had
successful business experiences. These are all areas in which I differ
from Chinese researchers on Central Asian. It is easier for me to obtain
local approval when exploring Central Asian problems because of my
background and also because of my access to resources and information.

With these advantages, I have been able to successfully facilitate
investment by many Han businessmen into Central Asia, and I have also
served as a middleman to assist state-owned enterprises like PetroChina
and SinoPec, resolving all sorts of  troubles and problems, so that they
can expand into local markets there.

I deeply believe that the question of how China exerts influence in
Central Asia has neither been analyzed carefully nor considered as a
whole. China should play a more active and effective role in Central Asia.

4. “Uighur Online” is a website I personally founded in order for all
ethnic groups in China—as well as the world—to understand Xinjiang and the
Uighurs. Conversely, the website seeks to allow ethnic groups living in
Xinjiang to understand the world. Thus it promotes mutual understanding as
well as dialogue among ethnic communities. It is managed to prevent any
pro-independence, separatist, or irresponsible inflammatory postings, and
it does not post anything subversive.

I founded “Uighur Online”because I discovered that many websites and
search portals contained a large amount of posts that incited hatred and
attacked the Uighur community. As a result, I  strongly felt that deep
division existed between the Uighur and Han peoples due to a lack of
mutual understanding. But there was no platform for communication and
dialogue. Han and Uighur netizens have been talking past each other, with
no opportunities to exchange views one-on-one and listen meaningfully to
each other.

Moreover, many people in Chinese society discuss the Uighur people, but
not many people possess a basic knowledge of Uighur society. In a
multi-ethnic society, such circumstances are undesirable. Since no one
else was doing it,  I thought I would fill this gap.

Uighur Online is managed to prevent any pro-independence, separatist, or
irresponsible inflammatory postings, and it does not post subversive
materials. However, it does not forbid posts that expose social ills in
Xinjiang or elsewhere, so long as they show good intentions and the
content is authentic.

As expected, nationalistic Hans and Uighurs have had heated arguments on
the forum. Yet, I have always maintained that one should not fear
differences of opinion and opposition, but rather, [fear only] not having
opportunities for exchange. As long as there is exchange, there will be
consensus. In reality, although some Han netizens have criticized my
comments as drastic or unjust, I have also earned the respect of many of
them: I don’t agree with your views,  but I understand that you are
well-meaning.

“Uighur Online”is both a platform for exchanging views as well as a
platform to perform acts of public service. In recent years, criminals
have abducted, lured, or kidnapped Uighur children and brought them to the
interior of China, where their pickpocketing is increasingly a serious
social problem. It disturbs local people’s sense of security and also
damages the reputation of the entire ethnic community. Although just about
everyone knows about this social issue and it has drawn growing attention,
not a single media outlet has dared to discuss it because it is deemed too
sensitive. No organization or agency has dared to make an attempt to
systematically address the problem. Each child is a treasure of the nation
and [represents] the future of society, regardless of his or her ethnicity.

For this reason, I set up a platform on “Uighur Online”to aid vagrant
Uighur children, to actively reach out to local civic anti-crime
organizations, and to offer aid and legal support to vagrant children.
This led to a Phoenix Weekly report about the matter, which then led the
Xinjiang government to begin putting assistance for vagrant children on
its official agenda.

In addition, I made “Uighur Online”a tool to influence and solicit
Uighurs’ideas about society. In Uighur society today, there are virtually
no rational, moderate and constructive voices that grapple with the real
problems of the Uighur society, free of [China’s] official, orthodox, and
constrained propaganda. From overseas there are no lack of provocative and
subversive statements, which don’t solve any real problems. As Xinjiang
faces the danger of escalating ethnic conflicts, and discussions of ethnic
problems tend to be radical, I believe that one of our most important
tasks and missions is for us to use rational and constructive voices to
compete against more extreme ones in the market place of ideas, moving
social sentiments toward a more positive direction.

Because “Uighur Online”is independent and unique in Uighur society, it has
gradually gained recognition and influence, and its ongoing debates have
allowed more people to recognize the role it plays. However, over the
course of running the website, I have been under enormous pressure. The
website was repeatedly forced to close or fell victim to unwarranted
attacks. I have been regularly summoned and warned [by the government] but
continued it anyway, believing that “Uighur Online”is of irreplaceable
value and that I am doing the right thing.

Conclusion

As a Uighur intellectual, I naturally have deep feelings for my ethnic
group, and I feel uneasy about its impoverishment and its many sufferings
attributable to historical and  circumstantial factors. I have equally
deep feelings for my country, and, having traveled to dozens of other
countries, I have come to the conclusion that national pride runs deep
within my veins. The pain and pride experienced by both my ethnic group
and also my countrymen are my own pain and my own pride.

Today in Xinjiang and elsewhere, we are witnessing a unique period where
ethnic issues are of unprecedented importance and difficulty.  Whether
rationally or emotionally, I cannot accept any part of the nation being
separated. With regard to ethnic issues, I do not oppose the natural
fusing of ethnic groups, because it reflects a natural as well as a social
law. Historically, both the Han and Uighur ethnicities are products of
multiethnic mingling. However, I do oppose a false and calculated ethnic
harmony. Use of administrative means to keep ethnic groups together is, in
essence, a use of force that breeds division, whereas tolerance as a means
to encourage diversity will lead to mutual harmony and unity.

We can solve ethnic problems only by exploring ethnic autonomy and making
China a multi-ethnic, multicultural, and attractive country.

In terms of governance in China today, our multiethnic and multicultural
reality has complicated the issues and problems of this era of social
transformation. Yet, for culture and creativity, this diversity is an
invaluable source of wealth benefiting all ethnic groups. Whether looking
vertically at Chinese history or horizontally at the world today, it’s
clear that the greater a country’s cultural diversity and tolerance, the
greater its creativity.

Any thinking that doggedly stresses a particular group’s cultural
uniqueness and superiority, thus making it non-inclusive, is closed-minded
and a thing of the past. It will inevitably kill the culture it means to
enshrine and protect.

In China’s Constitution, provisions governing ethnic autonomy provide a
good framework for coexistence and the development of a multiethnic
culture. But in practice, we need to explore how to better implement it
through laws and regulations. We should take the initiative to learn from
the successful experiences of other countries to fashion a suitable model
for China.

I firmly believe that as long as we have the wisdom and vision for the
future, as well as the courage to face reality head-on, China will be able
to find a path to ethnic autonomy that achieves an ideal balance between
the integrity of a unified nation and ethnic autonomy.

Although in recent years I have been restricted from going to Xinjiang, I
deeply believe that the huge amounts of progress and changes that have
occurred in China, which I have seen with my own eyes in the last few
decades, will not stop. I strongly believe that my efforts and inquiries
will become part of China’s progress, and I will be very proud of what I
have done.

Ilham Tohti
January 17, 2011