MCLC: parsing China's censorship protests

[Denton, Kirk]

MCLC LIST
From: Ying Zhu <yingzhu95014 at yahoo.com>
Subject: parsing China's censorship protests
***********************************************************

Source: Wall Street Journal (1/14/13):
http://blogs.wsj.com/chinarealtime/2013/01/14/real-progress-parsing-chinas-
censorship-protests/

‘Real Progress’: Parsing China’s Censorship Protests

[A little more than a week after journalists at Southern Weekly, one of
China’s most daring newspapers, clashed with propaganda authorities in
southern China’s Guangdong province over alleged censorship of a New
Year’s editorial, China watchers are still trying to suss out what the
conflict — which inspired anti-censorship protests both online and in the
streets — means for the future of media in China. To try to get a better
handle on the context surrounding the fracas, China Real Time got in touch
with Ying Zhu, a professor of media studies at City University of New
York, who recently took a deep look at China’s state broadcaster in “Two
Billion Eyes: The Story of China Central Television
<http://thenewpress.com/index.php?option=com_title&task=view_title&metaprod
uctid=1771>.” While not shocked by the Southern Weekly journalists’
conflict with propaganda officials, Ms. Zhu described the secondary
protests it inspired as a sign of “real progress” in Chinese society.
Edited excerpts]:

(WSJ) How surprised were you by the reaction of the Southern Weekly
journalists?

(YZ) Not all that surprised, as this is certainly not the first time
Southern Weekly has had its run in with the censors. The paper has lived
up to its prized rebel reputation. Emboldened by the paper’s popularity
with the public and an increasingly transparent media environment fueled
by the Internet, the journalists there simply exploded—enough is enough.

(WSL) What about the reaction of others outside the newspaper — the
protesters calling for freedom of speech and the more subtle expressions
of support from other news organizations and websites?

(YZ) That is the real story of the standoff— the popular support displayed
in a very public manner against media censorship! The most exciting part
of the entire episode is not about journalists vs. the censors but about
the public backlash against censorship! I’m thrilled to see the light at
the end of the tunnel. A baby step perhaps, but a milestone never the
less, an earthshaking moment in the building of a civil society.

Public demonstrations of varying scale have been a regular fixture on
Chinese streets in recent years, but never before has the public expressed
an outcry for concerns beyond immediate bread and butter issues. This is
real progress, moving from the basic physical needs to social and creative
needs.  And were it not so wrapped up in its own outmoded and regressive
insistence on control, the Chinese state could actually take credit for
years of economic reform that have given rise to a Chinese middle class
that now demands more than just food on the table—they want food for
thought! Samuel Huntington
<http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/01/05/samuel_huntingtons_legacy
 <http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/01/05/samuel_huntingtons_legac
y>might have a point that economic development produces rapid social
change, which leads to mass political demands that challenge the status
quo, but I hope that the Chinese state will not follow up with
Huntington’s prescription to use force to address political concerns.

(WSL) The journalists at Southern Weekly say they were angry at Guangdong
provincial propaganda chief Tuo Zhen for instituting a system of
pre-publication censorship. How does traditional media censorship usually
work? Is pre-publication interference really so rare?

(YZ) Make no mistake that state media continues to be on the censor’s
short leash, although the intensity of control varies from paper to paper.
State-owned or subsidized publications must follow a standard approval
procedure from production to publication.

But marketization has changed China’s media dynamic. The needs of the
public and the state frequently clash (though the state would like for you
to believe that it acts in the best interest of the public) and the market
has functioned as a liberating force in nudging journalists towards
attending to popular sentiment, thereby mitigating the state’s draconian
control.

The city of Guangzhou’s pro-commerce atmosphere provided fertile ground
for Southern Weekly to be bold.

In practice, journalists have the incentive to dodge the tall orders of
censorship, and thus there are frequent transgressions, albeit mostly
within the boundaries of what is permissible. In the case of the Southern
Weekend, the censor remains vigilant partly because the paper is popular
among the public, which makes the state extremely anxious.

(WSJ) There’s an impression among some in the West that Chinese
journalists are docile mice who serve the interests of the government and
the Communist Party. How many Chinese journalists do you think share the
frustrations and ideals of the reporters and editors at Southern Weekly?

(YZ) I believe that many journalists in China would tell you that there is
no difference in journalistic values and ethics between East and West.
Like in the West, journalists in China too want their media to function as
the “fourth estate” or the “conscience of society/people/public.”

I am offended by the view that there is something intrinsically timid
about Chinese culture that prevents a vigorous press from surfacing and
functioning. I don’t buy the notion that the Chinese journalists are not
capable of performing to par. The brief moment of open and candid
earthquake coverage in 2008 is a case in point. As I recounted in “Two
Billion Eyes,” when left to follow their professional instincts, Chinese
journalists are capable of performing their civic duty in the highest
journalistic standard.

(WSJ) Southern Weekly has a long tradition of pushing the boundaries,
getting punished, and then coming back to push again. How is it that the
paper has managed to stay so daring for so long?

(YZ) It’s cultural and geographical proximity to Hong Kong has certainly
played a part in Southern Weekly’s more liberal outlook. It’s useful to
remember, though, that Southern Weekly is in the business of selling
papers, so not everything it does is about citizen rights and freedom of
speech. The financial bottom line is frequently a concern as well.

(WSJ) How does the explosion of social media play into the way the
government handles traditional media?

(YZ) The censor’s hands are very much forced by the rapid and unfiltered
information flow on social media, which explains their clumsy
overreaction. The interference from the provincial Propaganda Department
was in reality “much ado about nothing.” Southern Weekly’s New Year’s
editorial extolling adherence to the constitution as the new Chinese dream
was not out of the bounds to begin with. After all, Xi Jinping himself
after he was anointed emphasized the importance of the constitution.

The morphing of a New Year’s editorial from yearning for a constitutional
dream to praising the party is outrageously idiotic — a reminder of how
moribund the Chinese censorship regime is. I lampooned the system at a
recent “Google/Youtube Author Talk,”  arguing that hyperactive censorship
has become the worst hindrance to China’s own global soft-power campaign.
After the Southern Weekly standoff, even the People’s Daily lamented how
“the local propaganda chiefs are ruining the central government’s image.”

(WSJ) How would you characterize Chinese journalists in the current era in
terms of their willingness to take on propaganda authorities?

(YZ) It’s a delicate dance. They are getting increasingly bold but do have
to exercise self-protection.

(WSJ) What changes, if any, do you expect the new Chinese leadership to
make to the way media is managed in the country?

(YZ) The paternalistic state will have to find a smarter way to exercise
control. It will need to learn to trust and empower its own people.

Thought crime no longer sits well with an enlightened public. Censorship
cannot eliminate dissent–it will only ferment further discontent, as
coercion would eventually lead to rebellion.

(WSJ) Can you envision a scenario in which the Communist Party would
significantly loosen its grip on the media?

(YZ) That day will come only when the party is willing to cede its
monopolistic control of politics, economics, and culture.